FIVE UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTHS THE NORTH MUST CONFRONT

August 25, 2026

An Elder’s Opinion on the Future of Northern Nigeria

By Hassan Ahmad

There are moments in the history of a people when silence becomes more dangerous than criticism. I believe Northern Nigeria has reached such a moment.

Our challenges are no longer matters that can be explained simply by saying that one political party has failed, one government has disappointed us, or that the North has lost presidential power. Those explanations may contain elements of truth, but they do not address the deeper question.

The question we must ask ourselves as Northerners is this:

What have we done with the opportunities, political influence, human resources and enormous potential that God has given us?

As an elder, I believe we must have the courage to speak honestly—not with hatred, not with bitterness and not for the purpose of promoting any political party or individual, but because the future of millions of Northern children depends upon our willingness to confront uncomfortable truths.

1. THE NORTH MUST STOP CONFUSING POLITICAL POWER WITH DEVELOPMENT

For too long, we have measured the strength of Northern Nigeria by the number of political offices occupied by Northerners.

We celebrate when a Northerner becomes President, Vice President, Minister, Governor, Senator, Member of the House of Representatives or a powerful political appointee.

But political representation is not the same thing as development.

What is the value of producing powerful politicians if our children remain outside school?

What is the value of occupying important offices if farmers cannot safely reach their farms?

What is the value of political influence if young graduates cannot find meaningful employment?

What is the value of having powerful individuals in Abuja if ordinary families in our villages cannot access clean water, electricity, healthcare and basic infrastructure?

We must therefore change our definition of political success.

A government should not be judged merely by how many Northerners it appoints. It should be judged by what happens to the Northern child, the Northern farmer, the Northern trader, the Northern student and the ordinary Northern family.

Political power is a means; it must never become the definition of development.

The North must stop asking only, “Who is in Aso Rock?”

We must begin asking, “What is happening in our communities?”

2. THE NORTH MUST ACCEPT RESPONSIBILITY FOR ITS OWN FAILURES

This is perhaps the most painful truth.

We cannot blame Abuja for everything.

We cannot blame the South for everything.

We cannot blame APC for everything.

We cannot blame PDP for everything.

We cannot blame colonialism for every problem.

And we cannot blame insecurity alone for the failure of institutions.

Northern political leaders, businessmen, traditional rulers, religious leaders, intellectuals and community leaders must also look inward.

Where did we fail?

Where did our institutions become weak?

Why did we allow education to deteriorate?

Why did we allow poverty to become normal?

Why have some of our communities become so dependent upon political patronage?

Why do we celebrate politicians for distributing money rather than demanding institutions that create sustainable prosperity?

These are difficult questions, but mature societies must ask difficult questions.

The North has produced presidents, governors, ministers, military commanders, diplomats, academics and business leaders of extraordinary ability.

Therefore, we cannot honestly say that the North lacks human capacity.

Perhaps what we have lacked is collective discipline, institutional continuity and a long-term development vision.

We must accept our share of responsibility.

Self-criticism is not betrayal.

It is the beginning of renewal.

3. INSECURITY MUST BE TREATED AS A DEVELOPMENT CRISIS, NOT ONLY A MILITARY PROBLEM

Northern Nigeria cannot defeat insecurity permanently through military operations alone.

The military is essential.

The police are essential.

Intelligence agencies are essential.

Border control is essential.

But guns cannot build schools.

Military operations cannot create sustainable employment.

Security forces cannot permanently replace functioning institutions.

If a young person grows up without education, without employment, without hope and without a sense of belonging, that young person becomes vulnerable to manipulation by criminals, extremists and political opportunists.

Likewise, when farmers cannot safely cultivate their land, agricultural production suffers. When communities are displaced, local economies collapse. When businesses close because of insecurity, unemployment increases. When schools are destroyed or abandoned, an entire generation is placed at risk.

Insecurity therefore creates a vicious cycle:

conflict produces displacement; displacement produces poverty; poverty produces desperation; desperation creates vulnerability; and vulnerability can create further insecurity.

That is why our security strategy must become broader.

We need security operations, but we also need education.

We need intelligence, but we also need employment.

We need stronger policing, but we also need justice.

We need border security, but we also need economic opportunity.

We need to protect communities, but we must also rebuild those communities.

The North must therefore begin treating security as a human development challenge.

The ultimate objective should not simply be to defeat criminals.

It should be to create a society in which fewer young people are vulnerable to recruitment into criminality in the first place.

4. EDUCATION MUST BECOME THE NORTH’S EMERGENCY PROJECT

If there is one area where Northern Nigeria must declare an emergency, it is education.

We cannot continue allowing generations of children to grow up without meaningful access to quality education and then wonder why poverty and insecurity persist.

Education is not merely an academic issue.

It is a security issue.

It is an economic issue.

It is a social issue.

It is a political issue.

It is a human-development issue.

A child who cannot read and write is more vulnerable to exploitation.

A young person without skills is more vulnerable to unemployment.

A community without educated young people struggles to compete in a modern economy.

We therefore need a Northern education revolution.

Every Northern state should establish measurable targets for reducing out-of-school children, improving teacher quality, expanding technical and vocational education, strengthening girls’ education, integrating relevant contemporary skills with Islamic education, expanding digital literacy and supporting disadvantaged children.

We must also stop treating vocational education as education for those who failed academically.

A skilled technician, electrician, engineer, farmer, software developer, mechanic, nurse or entrepreneur can contribute enormously to society.

The North needs an education system that prepares young people not merely to search for government employment but to create value, solve problems and build enterprises.

If we educate the North, we strengthen its economy.

If we educate the North, we strengthen its democracy.

If we educate the North, we weaken the recruitment base of criminality.

If we educate the North, we give our children the ability to compete anywhere in Nigeria and anywhere in the world.

Education must therefore become our Northern Manhattan Project.

5. THE NORTH NEEDS A NEW GENERATION OF LEADERS—not MERELY NEW POLITICIANS

The fifth and perhaps most important point is leadership.

The North does not necessarily need more politicians.

It needs better leaders.

We need leaders who understand economics, education, agriculture, technology, security, public finance, healthcare, institution-building and human development.

We need leaders who can think beyond the next election.

We need leaders who can tell their supporters uncomfortable truths.

We need leaders who understand that public office is an amanah—a trust—not an opportunity for personal enrichment.

We need leaders who will measure success by outcomes rather than applause.

The new Northern leader must be able to answer simple questions:

How many children entered school?

How many young people obtained productive employment?

How many farmers returned safely to their farms?

How much investment came into the state?

How much internally generated revenue was created?

How many communities received reliable water and electricity?

How many hospitals became functional?

How much public money was spent, and can the people account for it?

These are the questions that should define modern leadership.

We must also create space for younger people.

Our generation has a responsibility to mentor them, not to permanently occupy every political and institutional space.

We should not merely hand over political positions to our children.

We should hand over knowledge, institutions, values and opportunities.

That is the difference between succession and legacy.

THE FIVE POINTS LEAD TO ONE CONCLUSION

These five issues are not separate.

They are connected.

When political power becomes more important than development, institutions weaken.

When leaders refuse to accept responsibility, problems become permanent.

When insecurity destroys livelihoods, poverty increases.

When education fails, young people become vulnerable.

And when leadership fails to produce a long-term vision, the cycle continues.

This is why the North must begin a serious conversation about its future.

Not another conversation about who will defect from one political party to another.

Not another conversation about who will occupy which office.

Not another conversation about who will control the political structure in 2027.

We need a conversation about what kind of Northern Nigeria we want to leave for our children.

MY APPEAL AS AN ELDER

I say this with humility and without claiming that my generation has all the answers.

We have made mistakes.

We have also achieved many things.

But our greatest responsibility now is to ensure that the next generation does not inherit our mistakes as its destiny.

Let us teach our young people to think beyond political patronage.

Let us encourage them to acquire knowledge and skills.

Let us demand accountability from every government, regardless of political party.

Let us defend our communities without demonising other regions.

Let us pursue our legitimate interests without turning our frustrations into hatred of the South.

Let us respect our religious and cultural values while embracing education, science, technology and innovation.

Above all, let us remember that Nigeria’s political geography may change, political parties may disappear, and presidents may come and go.

But the North will remain.

Therefore, our responsibility is bigger than the next election.

It is bigger than APC.

It is bigger than PDP.

It is bigger than ADC.

It is bigger than any individual politician.

It is about the survival, dignity and future of our people.

The North must therefore stop measuring its greatness by how close its elites are to political power.

Let us measure our greatness by the quality of life of our people.

Let us build schools before monuments.

Let us build institutions before political empires.

Let us build human beings before political structures.

Let us build an economy that gives our young people hope.

And let us build a leadership culture in which public service is regarded as a sacred responsibility rather than a personal opportunity.

Because the greatest danger is not that the North may lose political power.

The greatest danger is that we may regain political power and still lose our people.

That is the uncomfortable truth we must confront.

And that is why this conversation must begin now.